Proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States establishing that no person holding public office or authority is above the law; abolishing doctrines of official immunity from civil and criminal accountability; constitutionalizing the right of citizens to seek redress for deprivation of rights by state actors; clarifying the scope of state sovereign immunity; and restricting the presidential pardon power.
The President of the United States would be liable to be impeached, tried, and, upon conviction of treason, bribery, or other high crimes or misdemeanors, removed from office; and would afterwards be liable to prosecution and punishment in the ordinary course of law.
It having been found from universal experience, that the most expressed declarations and reservations are necessary to protect the just rights and liberty of mankind from the silent powerful and ever active conspiracy of those who govern.
Why This Amendment?
President Becomes King
In 2024, the Supreme Court ruled that a president has absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for "core" official acts and presumptive immunity for all other official acts. A president can now commit crimes while in office and face no consequences—unless the act is proven to be "unofficial." Justice Sotomayor dissented, "The President is now a king above the law."
Qualified Immunity for Law Enforcement
Law enforcement officers cannot be sued for violating your rights unless a prior case with nearly identical facts already found the same conduct illegal. A 2020 Reuters study found that federal courts grant qualified immunity in over 50% of excessive force cases. An officer can violate the Constitution, but if no one sued for that exact violation before, there is no accountability.
Absolute Immunity for Prosecutors
Prosecutors cannot be sued even when they knowingly use false evidence, hide evidence that proves innocence, or send innocent people to prison. In 1976, the Supreme Court ruled in Imbler v. Pachtman that a prosecutor who withheld evidence proving a man's innocence was absolutely immune. The wrongfully imprisoned man got nothing.
Absolute Immunity for Judges
Judges cannot be sued even when they act maliciously or violate basic due process. In 1978, the Supreme Court ruled in Stump v. Sparkman that a judge who secretly ordered the sterilization of a 15-year-old girl—without notice, hearing, or lawyer—was immune from lawsuit. The girl, told she was having her appendix removed, was sterilized. The judge faced no consequences.
Sovereign Immunity Blocks Suits Against States
Citizens cannot sue their own state in federal court for violating their constitutional rights. The Eleventh Amendment says citizens of other states can't sue a state. But in 1890, the Supreme Court expanded this in Hans v. Louisiana to bar citizens from suing their own state—even though the Amendment says nothing about this.
Quasi-Judicial Immunity
Courts have extended judicial-style immunity to administrative law judges, hearing officers, arbitrators, mediators, receivers, court-appointed psychologists, and others who perform "quasi-judicial" functions. These officials can harm people and face no consequences. In Butz v. Economou (1978), the Supreme Court ruled that federal agency officials performing adjudicatory functions receive absolute immunity for their "judicial acts."
Section 1983 is Statutory
The right to sue state officials for constitutional violations exists only because of a statute—42 U.S.C. § 1983—passed in 1871. Congress could repeal it. Courts have already gutted it through qualified immunity and restrictive interpretations. The constitutional right to hold government accountable should not depend on a statute that can be weakened or eliminated.
Unlimited Pardon Power
The President can pardon anyone for any federal crime, including co-conspirators, family members, or people who committed crimes to benefit the President. The President can issue pardons in the final hours of a term. The President may even be able to pardon himself—no court has definitively ruled otherwise.
Removes Special Treatment
The principle of justice is restored. NO one is above the law. No person in government is immune from criminal prosecution. The fact that an act was "official" is not a defense.
Good Faith Defense Replaces Immunity
Officials can raise good faith as a defense at trial—but a jury decides, not a judge on summary judgment. If an officer acted in honest error and reasonably believed the conduct was lawful, they may be found not liable. If they acted with malice or willful indifference, no protection applies.
Notice and Cure for Negligent Conduct
For honest mistakes, a person whose rights were violated can send notice. The official has 21 days to correct the conduct. If corrected, no personal liability attaches. If not corrected, liability runs from the original act. This protects good-faith actors while ensuring rights violations are remedied.
No Protection for Malicious Acts
No good faith defense, no notice period, and no immunity for officials who act with malice, willful indifference, or intent to deprive someone of rights. Such conduct triggers automatic referral for criminal prosecution.
Citizens Can Sue Their Own State
The Eleventh Amendment is restored to its original text: citizens of other states cannot sue a state. But citizens can sue their own state for violations of constitutional rights. Sovereign immunity does not apply to constitutional violations.
Constitutional Right of Action
The right to sue any person who, under color of state law, deprives you of constitutional rights is now in the Constitution itself. Courts cannot create doctrines that limit or bar this right. The liability established by the Constitution cannot be abridged by judicial interpretation. Congress cannot repeal it. It is self-executing and does not require enabling legislation.
Pardon Power Restricted
The President cannot pardon himself, officials from a prior administration for acts connected to that administration, crimes committed to benefit the President, insurrection, sedition, treason, espionage, contempt of court, or contempt of Congress. Cannot issue preemptive pardons before conviction. Cannot issue pardons in the final 30 days of a term. Pardons for family members, administration officials, or campaign employees require Supreme Court review for corrupt purpose.
This proposal establishes accountability rules for federal officials only. It governs the President, federal judges, federal prosecutors, and federal law enforcement. It sets rules for suits against the federal government and clarifies when citizens can sue states in federal court for federal constitutional violations.
States still control accountability for state and local officials. States still decide how to discipline state judges, state prosecutors, and state police. States still control their own courts and their own tort law.
However, any official—state or federal—who violates federally protected constitutional rights can be sued under this amendment. The constitutional right of action against state deprivation of rights, currently found in 42 U.S.C. § 1983, is now constitutionalized and cannot be abridged by judicial interpretation.
Qualified immunity does not exist in the United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, South Africa, or any other major democracy. In those countries, police can be sued for violating rights, and no doctrine requires a victim to find a prior case with identical facts. The United States is the only peer nation that grants such sweeping protection to officials who violate constitutional rights.
This proposal brings the United States in line with international standards for government accountability while preserving state authority over state and local systems.
Liability & Immunity
Each section shows the legal text and what it means in plain language. You don't need a law degree to understand what you're voting on.
Criminal Prosecution of Public Officials
Legal text
- No person holding any office or position of authority under the United States, including the President, Vice President, members of Congress, and all officers and employees of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, shall be immune from criminal prosecution for any violation of federal or state law.
- The fact that an alleged criminal act was performed in the exercise of official duties, or within the constitutional authority of the office held, shall not constitute a defense to criminal prosecution.
- No person shall be excused from arrest, indictment, or prosecution on the ground that such person currently holds office. Criminal proceedings against an officeholder shall proceed in the ordinary course of law without delay or suspension.
- This section preserves the privilege of Senators and Representatives under the first clause of the sixth section of the first article of this Constitution with respect to speech or debate in either House.
Plain Language
- No one in federal office, including the President, Vice President, members of Congress, and anyone working in the executive, legislative, or judicial branches, is protected from being charged with a crime under federal or state law.
- A person cannot avoid criminal charges by claiming that the alleged crime happened while performing official duties or acting within the powers of their office.
- Holding office does not protect someone from being arrested, indicted, or prosecuted. Criminal cases against an officeholder must move forward like any other case, without delay or pause.
- This does not change the constitutional protection that Senators and Representatives have for their speeches and debates in Congress.
Abolition of Official Immunity from Civil Suit
Legal text
- No doctrine of qualified immunity, absolute prosecutorial immunity, or absolute judicial immunity shall shield any officer or employee of the United States, or of any State or subdivision thereof, from civil suit for the deprivation of any right, privilege, or immunity secured by this Constitution or the laws of the United States.
- It shall be a defense to civil liability under this section that the officer or employee acted in good faith and in the reasonable belief that the conduct was lawful. The burden of establishing good faith shall rest upon the officer or employee asserting the defense. Good faith shall be determined by a jury, not by the court on motion for summary judgment.
- Where an officer or employee acts through negligence or error, the aggrieved party may provide written notice identifying the specific conduct and the legal basis for the claim. The officer or employee shall have twenty-one days from receipt of such notice to correct the identified conduct. If the conduct is corrected within twenty-one days, no personal civil liability shall attach for the period preceding notice. If the conduct is not corrected, personal civil liability shall attach from the date of the original act.
- No notice shall be required, and no good faith defense shall be available, where the officer or employee acted with malicious intent, willful indifference to the rights of any person, or for the purpose of depriving any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law. In such cases, personal civil liability shall attach immediately, and the conduct shall be referred for criminal prosecution.
- Nothing in this section shall be construed to limit the liability of the government entity employing the officer or employee. Suit may be brought against both the individual and the employing entity.
- The defense of sovereign immunity shall not apply to actions brought under this article against the United States or any State for violations of rights secured by this Constitution.
Plain Language
- Government officials and employees, whether federal, state, or local, cannot avoid being sued for violating constitutional or federal rights by claiming qualified immunity, prosecutorial immunity, or judicial immunity.
- An official can defend themselves by showing they acted in good faith and reasonably believed what they were doing was lawful. It is the official’s responsibility to prove this. A jury, not just a judge, will decide whether they acted in good faith.
- If an official’s action was caused by negligence or a mistake, the person harmed may send written notice explaining what was done and why it was unlawful. The official then has twenty-one days to fix the problem. If it is fixed within that time, the official will not be personally liable for the period before the notice. If it is not fixed, the official becomes personally liable starting from the date of the original act.
- No notice is required, and no good faith defense is allowed, if the official acted with malicious intent, showed deliberate indifference to someone’s rights, or tried to deprive someone of life, liberty, or property without due process. In those cases, personal liability applies immediately, and the matter must be referred for criminal prosecution.
- This section does not protect the government itself from being sued. A lawsuit may be filed against both the individual official and the government entity that employs them.
- The government cannot claim sovereign immunity to block lawsuits brought under this article for violations of constitutional rights.
Right of Action Against State Deprivation of Rights
Legal text
- Every person who, under color of any statute, ordinance, regulation, custom, or usage of any State or subdivision thereof, subjects or causes to be subjected any person within the jurisdiction of the United States to the deprivation of any right, privilege, or immunity secured by this Constitution or the laws of the United States shall be liable to the party injured in an action at law or in equity or other proper proceeding for redress.
- No court shall create, apply, or recognize any doctrine of immunity, whether qualified, absolute, or otherwise, that limits or bars an action brought under this section. The liability established by this section shall not be abridged by judicial interpretation.
- It shall be a defense to liability under this section only that the person acted in good faith and with a reasonable belief that the conduct was lawful. The burden of establishing good faith shall rest upon the person asserting the defense. The question of good faith shall be determined by the trier of fact and shall not be resolved by the court on a motion to dismiss or for summary judgment.
- The notice and cure provisions of Section 2(c) of this article shall apply to actions brought under this section where the conduct complained of was negligent rather than intentional.
- No good faith defense or notice provision shall apply where the person acted with malicious intent, willful indifference to the rights of any person, or for the purpose of depriving any person of life, liberty, or property. In such cases, the conduct shall be referred for criminal prosecution.
- This section creates a right of action enforceable in any federal court. No doctrine of abstention, comity, or deference to state proceedings shall bar or delay an action brought under this section.
- No State shall assert sovereign immunity as a defense to an action brought under this section. The Eleventh Article of Amendment shall not be construed to bar any action arising under this section.
- An action under this section may be brought against any person acting under color of state law, including but not limited to judges, prosecutors, law enforcement officers, correctional officers, administrative officials, and any private person or entity exercising authority delegated by the State.
- Congress shall have power to enforce this section by appropriate legislation, but the rights secured by this section are self-executing and shall not require enabling legislation to be enforceable.
Plain Language
- Any person who uses state law or government authority to violate someone’s constitutional or federal rights can be sued by the person who was harmed. The injured person may seek legal or equitable relief in court.
- Courts are not allowed to create or apply any type of immunity that blocks or limits a lawsuit under this section. Judges cannot weaken this right through interpretation.
- The only defense allowed is that the person acted in good faith and reasonably believed their actions were lawful. The person being sued must prove this. A jury or fact-finder, not a judge at an early stage, must decide whether good faith applies.
- If the alleged wrongdoing was negligent rather than intentional, the notice and correction rules from Section 2(c) apply before personal liability attaches.
- No good faith defense or notice period is allowed if the person acted with malicious intent, showed deliberate indifference to someone’s rights, or tried to deprive someone of life, liberty, or property. In those cases, the matter must also be referred for criminal prosecution.
- This section gives people the right to bring these lawsuits in federal court. Courts cannot delay or refuse to hear the case because of doctrines that defer to state proceedings.
- A state cannot claim sovereign immunity to avoid being sued under this section. The Eleventh Amendment cannot be used to block these cases.
- Lawsuits under this section may be brought against anyone acting under state authority, including judges, prosecutors, police officers, correctional officers, administrative officials, and private individuals or companies given power by the state.
- Congress may pass laws to help enforce this section, but the rights in this section take effect immediately and do not depend on additional legislation.
State Accountability
Legal text
- The Eleventh Article of Amendment to this Constitution shall not be construed to bar any suit brought by a citizen against the State in which such citizen resides, or against any officer, employee, or agent thereof, for the deprivation of any right, privilege, or immunity secured by this Constitution or the laws of the United States.
- No State shall assert sovereign immunity as a defense in any action brought by any person alleging a violation of rights secured by this Constitution. The defense of sovereign immunity shall not apply to actions arising under any article of amendment ratified after the original Bill of Rights.
- A State’s liability under this section shall extend to actions taken by any officer, employee, agent, or contractor acting under color of state law, including judges, prosecutors, law enforcement officers, and administrative officials.
- Nothing in this section shall be construed to modify the Eleventh Article of Amendment as it applies to suits by citizens of other States or foreign nationals against a State, except as provided in subsection (b).
Plain Language
- The Eleventh Amendment cannot be used to block a person from suing their own state, or state officials, for violating constitutional or federal rights.
- A state is not allowed to claim sovereign immunity to avoid being sued for violating constitutional rights. Sovereign immunity also cannot be used to block lawsuits under any new amendments adopted after the original Bill of Rights.
- A state can be held responsible for actions taken by its officials, employees, agents, or contractors acting under state authority, including judges, prosecutors, police officers, and administrative officials.
- This section does not change how the Eleventh Amendment applies to lawsuits brought by citizens of other states or by foreign nationals against a state, except where subsection (b) specifically limits sovereign immunity.
Pardon Power
Legal text
- The President shall not have the power to grant a pardon or commutation to the President’s self.
- The President shall not have the power to grant a pardon or commutation to any person for offenses committed while serving in a prior presidential administration in connection with the duties of that administration.
- The President shall not have the power to grant a pardon or commutation to any person for an offense that was committed at the direction of, in coordination with, or for the purpose of benefiting the President.
- The President shall not have the power to grant a pardon or commutation for any of the following offenses:
(1) Insurrection, sedition, or rebellion against the United States;
(2) Treason or espionage;
(3) Contempt of Congress or contempt of any court of the United States;
(4) Genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, or torture as defined by federal law or international treaty to which the United States is a party. - The President shall not grant a pardon or commutation for any offense for which no formal charge has been filed. A pardon or commutation may be issued only after conviction or entry of a guilty plea.
- No pardon or commutation shall be issued during the final thirty days of a presidential term.
- Any pardon or commutation of a sentence for a violent offense resulting in death, or for an offense involving the leadership or operation of a criminal enterprise as defined by federal law, shall require review and approval by the Supreme Court before taking effect. The Court shall determine whether the pardon or commutation serves a legitimate purpose of justice and is not issued for a corrupt purpose.
- For any pardon or commutation issued to a member of the President’s family within the third degree of consanguinity or affinity, or to any current or former member of the President’s administration, or to any paid employee of the President’s campaign, the President shall submit the pardon to the Supreme Court for review before issuance. The Court shall determine within thirty days whether the pardon was issued for a corrupt purpose. If the Court finds corrupt purpose, the pardon shall be void.
- The President shall publish a written justification for every pardon and commutation within forty-eight hours of issuance, including the name of the recipient, the offense, the sentence, and the reasons for the grant of clemency.
- Any pardon or commutation issued in violation of this section shall be void and of no legal effect.
- Congress shall have power to enforce this section by appropriate legislation.
Plain Language
- The President cannot pardon or reduce their own sentence.
- The President cannot pardon or reduce the sentence of someone for crimes committed while working in a past presidential administration if those crimes were connected to that administration’s official duties.
- The President cannot pardon or reduce the sentence of someone who committed a crime at the President’s direction, in coordination with the President, or to benefit the President.
- The President cannot pardon or reduce the sentence for these crimes:
(1) Insurrection, sedition, or rebellion against the United States;
(2) Treason or spying for a foreign power;
(3) Contempt of Congress or contempt of a federal court;
(4) Genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, or torture as defined by federal law or international treaties. - The President cannot grant a pardon or commutation before formal charges are filed. Clemency can only be given after a conviction or a guilty plea.
- The President cannot issue any pardon or commutation during the final thirty days of their term.
- If a pardon or sentence reduction involves a violent crime that caused death, or a crime involving leadership of a criminal enterprise, the Supreme Court must review and approve it before it takes effect. The Court must decide whether it serves justice and is not corrupt.
- If the President wants to pardon a close family member, a current or former member of their administration, or a paid campaign employee, the Supreme Court must review it before it is issued. The Court has thirty days to decide whether it was issued for a corrupt reason. If it finds corruption, the pardon is invalid.
- Within forty-eight hours of granting any pardon or commutation, the President must publish a written explanation that includes the recipient’s name, the crime, the sentence, and the reasons for granting clemency.
- Any pardon or commutation that breaks these rules is invalid and has no legal effect.
- Congress may pass laws to help enforce this section.
Enforcement
Legal text
- The rights secured by this article are self-executing and shall not require enabling legislation to be enforceable.
- Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.
- Any citizen of the United States shall have standing to bring suit in any federal court to enforce the provisions of this article.
- No State law or action inconsistent with this article shall have any force or effect.
- No provision of this article shall be construed to limit individual rights or remedies otherwise available under this Constitution or the laws of the United States.
- Any pardon, commutation, or official act taken in violation of this article shall be void and of no legal effect from the date of issuance.
Plain Language
- The amendment works on its own. The moment it becomes part of the Constitution, people can use it. Congress does not have to pass another law first to “turn it on.” If someone violates it, a court can enforce it right away.
- Congress has the power to pass laws to carry out and enforce this amendment.
- Any U.S. citizen can go to federal court if they believe this amendment is being broken. They do not have to be a politician or a government official. Regular people are allowed to ask a judge to enforce it.
- Any State law or action that conflicts with this amendment has no legal effect.
- It does not take away any other rights people already have. It adds protections, but it does not reduce anything that already exists in the Constitution or other laws. If someone has another legal option to protect their rights, they can still use it
- Any pardon, sentence reduction, or official action that breaks the rules in this article is invalid from the moment it is issued and has no legal force.
Effective Date and Implementation
Legal text
- This article shall take effect immediately upon ratification.
- This article shall be inoperative unless ratified as an amendment to the Constitution by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several States within one year from the date of its submission to the States by the Congress.
Plain Language
- This amendment becomes active as soon as it is approved.
- It only becomes part of the Constitution if enough states approve it. Three-fourths of the states must vote yes. If that does not happen within one year after Congress sends it to the states, then the amendment fails and does not take effect at all.
Provisional Voting
These options exist because some provisions in this amendment have more than one legitimate solution. The draft reflects what comparative research and international precedent suggest is the strongest approach — but reasonable people can disagree on implementation.
You get one vote per poll. You are not required to vote on any of them. Only vote if you believe the current draft language should change. If none of the listed options reflect your position, you can submit an alternative in the discussion below.
Questions and Consideration
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