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Amendment Category
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No. 9: Liability & Immunity
Summary

Proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States establishing that no person holding public office or authority is above the law; abolishing doctrines of official immunity from civil and criminal accountability; constitutionalizing the right of citizens to seek redress for deprivation of rights by state actors; clarifying the scope of state sovereign immunity; and restricting the presidential pardon power.

Federalist Quote

The President of the United States would be liable to be impeached, tried, and, upon conviction of treason, bribery, or other high crimes or misdemeanors, removed from office; and would afterwards be liable to prosecution and punishment in the ordinary course of law.

- Federalist No. 69 (Hamilton)

Anti-Federalist Quote

It having been found from universal experience, that the most expressed declarations and reservations are necessary to protect the just rights and liberty of mankind from the silent powerful and ever active conspiracy of those who govern.

- Richard Henry Lee (Anti-Federalist)

Why This Amendment?

The Constitution says no one is above the law. But over the last 150 years, courts have created rules that put government officials—including police, prosecutors, judges, legislators, administrative staff, and even the President—beyond accountability. The Founders warned about this. Madison wrote that if men were angels, no government would be necessary. The Anti-Federalists warned that power corrupts and that people in authority must face consequences. Instead, the US has decided people in authority are above the law. If someone in power causes harm against another, well, there's an immunity for that.
  • President Becomes King

    In 2024, the Supreme Court ruled that a president has absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for "core" official acts and presumptive immunity for all other official acts. A president can now commit crimes while in office and face no consequences—unless the act is proven to be "unofficial." Justice Sotomayor dissented, "The President is now a king above the law."

  • Qualified Immunity for Law Enforcement

    Law enforcement officers cannot be sued for violating your rights unless a prior case with nearly identical facts already found the same conduct illegal. A 2020 Reuters study found that federal courts grant qualified immunity in over 50% of excessive force cases. An officer can violate the Constitution, but if no one sued for that exact violation before, there is no accountability.

  • Absolute Immunity for Prosecutors 

    Prosecutors cannot be sued even when they knowingly use false evidence, hide evidence that proves innocence, or send innocent people to prison. In 1976, the Supreme Court ruled in Imbler v. Pachtman that a prosecutor who withheld evidence proving a man's innocence was absolutely immune. The wrongfully imprisoned man got nothing.

  • Absolute Immunity for Judges 

    Judges cannot be sued even when they act maliciously or violate basic due process. In 1978, the Supreme Court ruled in Stump v. Sparkman that a judge who secretly ordered the sterilization of a 15-year-old girl—without notice, hearing, or lawyer—was immune from lawsuit. The girl, told she was having her appendix removed, was sterilized. The judge faced no consequences.

  • Sovereign Immunity Blocks Suits Against States

    Citizens cannot sue their own state in federal court for violating their constitutional rights. The Eleventh Amendment says citizens of other states can't sue a state. But in 1890, the Supreme Court expanded this in Hans v. Louisiana to bar citizens from suing their own state—even though the Amendment says nothing about this.

  • Quasi-Judicial Immunity

    Courts have extended judicial-style immunity to administrative law judges, hearing officers, arbitrators, mediators, receivers, court-appointed psychologists, and others who perform "quasi-judicial" functions. These officials can harm people and face no consequences. In Butz v. Economou (1978), the Supreme Court ruled that federal agency officials performing adjudicatory functions receive absolute immunity for their "judicial acts."

  • Section 1983 is Statutory

    The right to sue state officials for constitutional violations exists only because of a statute—42 U.S.C. § 1983—passed in 1871. Congress could repeal it. Courts have already gutted it through qualified immunity and restrictive interpretations. The constitutional right to hold government accountable should not depend on a statute that can be weakened or eliminated.

  • Unlimited Pardon Power

    The President can pardon anyone for any federal crime, including co-conspirators, family members, or people who committed crimes to benefit the President. The President can issue pardons in the final hours of a term. The President may even be able to pardon himself—no court has definitively ruled otherwise.

Amendment Title

Liability & Immunity

Each section shows the legal text and what it means in plain language. You don't need a law degree to understand what you're voting on.

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Criminal Prosecution of Public Officials

Plain Language

  1. No one in federal office, including the President, Vice President, members of Congress, and anyone working in the executive, legislative, or judicial branches, is protected from being charged with a crime under federal or state law.
  2. A person cannot avoid criminal charges by claiming that the alleged crime happened while performing official duties or acting within the powers of their office.
  3. Holding office does not protect someone from being arrested, indicted, or prosecuted. Criminal cases against an officeholder must move forward like any other case, without delay or pause.
  4. This does not change the constitutional protection that Senators and Representatives have for their speeches and debates in Congress.
Abolition of Official Immunity from Civil Suit

Plain Language

  1. Government officials and employees, whether federal, state, or local, cannot avoid being sued for violating constitutional or federal rights by claiming qualified immunity, prosecutorial immunity, or judicial immunity.
  2. An official can defend themselves by showing they acted in good faith and reasonably believed what they were doing was lawful. It is the official’s responsibility to prove this. A jury, not just a judge, will decide whether they acted in good faith.
  3. If an official’s action was caused by negligence or a mistake, the person harmed may send written notice explaining what was done and why it was unlawful. The official then has twenty-one days to fix the problem. If it is fixed within that time, the official will not be personally liable for the period before the notice. If it is not fixed, the official becomes personally liable starting from the date of the original act.
  4. No notice is required, and no good faith defense is allowed, if the official acted with malicious intent, showed deliberate indifference to someone’s rights, or tried to deprive someone of life, liberty, or property without due process. In those cases, personal liability applies immediately, and the matter must be referred for criminal prosecution.
  5. This section does not protect the government itself from being sued. A lawsuit may be filed against both the individual official and the government entity that employs them.
  6. The government cannot claim sovereign immunity to block lawsuits brought under this article for violations of constitutional rights.
Right of Action Against State Deprivation of Rights

Plain Language

  1. Any person who uses state law or government authority to violate someone’s constitutional or federal rights can be sued by the person who was harmed. The injured person may seek legal or equitable relief in court.
  2. Courts are not allowed to create or apply any type of immunity that blocks or limits a lawsuit under this section. Judges cannot weaken this right through interpretation.
  3. The only defense allowed is that the person acted in good faith and reasonably believed their actions were lawful. The person being sued must prove this. A jury or fact-finder, not a judge at an early stage, must decide whether good faith applies.
  4. If the alleged wrongdoing was negligent rather than intentional, the notice and correction rules from Section 2(c) apply before personal liability attaches.
  5. No good faith defense or notice period is allowed if the person acted with malicious intent, showed deliberate indifference to someone’s rights, or tried to deprive someone of life, liberty, or property. In those cases, the matter must also be referred for criminal prosecution.
  6. This section gives people the right to bring these lawsuits in federal court. Courts cannot delay or refuse to hear the case because of doctrines that defer to state proceedings.
  7. A state cannot claim sovereign immunity to avoid being sued under this section. The Eleventh Amendment cannot be used to block these cases.
  8. Lawsuits under this section may be brought against anyone acting under state authority, including judges, prosecutors, police officers, correctional officers, administrative officials, and private individuals or companies given power by the state.
  9. Congress may pass laws to help enforce this section, but the rights in this section take effect immediately and do not depend on additional legislation.
     
State Accountability

Plain Language

  1. The Eleventh Amendment cannot be used to block a person from suing their own state, or state officials, for violating constitutional or federal rights.
  2. A state is not allowed to claim sovereign immunity to avoid being sued for violating constitutional rights. Sovereign immunity also cannot be used to block lawsuits under any new amendments adopted after the original Bill of Rights.
  3. A state can be held responsible for actions taken by its officials, employees, agents, or contractors acting under state authority, including judges, prosecutors, police officers, and administrative officials.
  4. This section does not change how the Eleventh Amendment applies to lawsuits brought by citizens of other states or by foreign nationals against a state, except where subsection (b) specifically limits sovereign immunity.
     
Pardon Power

Plain Language

  1. The President cannot pardon or reduce their own sentence.
  2. The President cannot pardon or reduce the sentence of someone for crimes committed while working in a past presidential administration if those crimes were connected to that administration’s official duties.
  3. The President cannot pardon or reduce the sentence of someone who committed a crime at the President’s direction, in coordination with the President, or to benefit the President.
  4. The President cannot pardon or reduce the sentence for these crimes:
    (1) Insurrection, sedition, or rebellion against the United States;
    (2) Treason or spying for a foreign power;
    (3) Contempt of Congress or contempt of a federal court;
    (4) Genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, or torture as defined by federal law or international treaties.
  5. The President cannot grant a pardon or commutation before formal charges are filed. Clemency can only be given after a conviction or a guilty plea.
  6. The President cannot issue any pardon or commutation during the final thirty days of their term.
  7. If a pardon or sentence reduction involves a violent crime that caused death, or a crime involving leadership of a criminal enterprise, the Supreme Court must review and approve it before it takes effect. The Court must decide whether it serves justice and is not corrupt.
  8. If the President wants to pardon a close family member, a current or former member of their administration, or a paid campaign employee, the Supreme Court must review it before it is issued. The Court has thirty days to decide whether it was issued for a corrupt reason. If it finds corruption, the pardon is invalid.
  9. Within forty-eight hours of granting any pardon or commutation, the President must publish a written explanation that includes the recipient’s name, the crime, the sentence, and the reasons for granting clemency.
  10. Any pardon or commutation that breaks these rules is invalid and has no legal effect.
  11. Congress may pass laws to help enforce this section.
Enforcement

Plain Language

  1. The amendment works on its own. The moment it becomes part of the Constitution, people can use it. Congress does not have to pass another law first to “turn it on.” If someone violates it, a court can enforce it right away.
  2. Congress has the power to pass laws to carry out and enforce this amendment.
  3. Any U.S. citizen can go to federal court if they believe this amendment is being broken. They do not have to be a politician or a government official. Regular people are allowed to ask a judge to enforce it.
  4. Any State law or action that conflicts with this amendment has no legal effect.
  5. It does not take away any other rights people already have. It adds protections, but it does not reduce anything that already exists in the Constitution or other laws. If someone has another legal option to protect their rights, they can still use it
  6. Any pardon, sentence reduction, or official action that breaks the rules in this article is invalid from the moment it is issued and has no legal force.
Effective Date and Implementation

Plain Language

  1. This amendment becomes active as soon as it is approved.
  2. It only becomes part of the Constitution if enough states approve it. Three-fourths of the states must vote yes. If that does not happen within one year after Congress sends it to the states, then the amendment fails and does not take effect at all.
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Provisional Voting

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These options exist because some provisions in this amendment have more than one legitimate solution. The draft reflects what comparative research and international precedent suggest is the strongest approach — but reasonable people can disagree on implementation.

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Questions and Consideration

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